Baraka's Victory: Indicting
Education Crimes
By Michelle Renee
Matisons and Seth Sandronsky
You act like we’re in a state of martial
law. You act like you deployed the army on us…
--Natasha
Allen, mother of a Newark high school junior, to Newark School Superintendent
Cami Anderson
It is exciting, and
rare, to see politicians who really represent people triumph over corporate
sponsored sycophants who only represent their backers’ bank accounts. Democrat
Ras Baraka's May 13, 2014 mayoral victory over Democrat Shavar Jeffries in
Newark, New Jersey is especially important because one major issue emerged to
dominate the election: local control over public education. While
corporate education reformers unabashedly push their anti-democratic agenda
nationally, Baraka's victory is a reminder that participatory democratic values
and common sense principles (such as local control and economic justice) can
win over education reformers’ criminal activities.
As Newark voters just
reminded us, educational sovereignty is not an abstraction--but a concrete
necessity. Parents know when their children are being denied, neglected,
and abused. Teachers know when they are being used and discarded: their jobs are
reduced to rote mouthpieces for profiteering edu-speak. Children feel
their futures being stolen from them. They
feel more alienated from schools, teachers, lesson plans, and standardized tests.
Baraka's victory is about creating the educational climate--supported by
larger goals of racial/ economic justice--that are required for thriving
students.
There are many possibilities
for Newark, as people now grapple with how to dismantle the state's long term
educolonial apparatus and return education decisions to Newark's mayor, school
board, parents, teachers, school employees and students. (New Jersey was
the first state to conduct school district takeover, and Newark has been state
occupied since 1995.) An assessment of the state’s vast bureaucratic
obstacles begs the question: “How will Newark’s people regain control of their
schools?”
Minimally, it will
take the same grassroots efforts it took to get Baraka elected. One of
the state's key oppressive tools is the insistence that school districts show
competency in certain areas for the state to return control. However,
history proves the state has never had any intention of returning control to local
school districts. Forget about that
promise, and the “procedure” laid out by the state for regaining control. Occupied districts have met competency
criteria before, yet the state ignores these facts. School takeover,
while once conceived as a way to circumvent established school funding fairness
protocols initiated by New Jersey's “Abbott” legal decisions, is now also seen
as a pivotal initial step in privatizing/ chartering schemes. Education
privatizers may have lost this election, but school thieves have other tricks--and
they're not going to back down easily with so much taxpayer money at stake.
It appears Newark’s
people are not going to back down either.
Baraka’s victory stands as an indictment of state crimes against Newark
citizens—especially its students. In a previous article, we suggested "People's
Benchmarks" to assess the state’s school district takeover performance (http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/02/14/new-jerseys-occupied-school-districts-2/). "People's
benchmarks” challenge the state’s role as judge in this relationship. Who’s judging whose standards?
While the state forces occupied school districts
to meet its own dubiously shifting and changing performance criteria, people
can continue to indict the state for failing in at least four major areas: cooperative
working relationships, zero tolerance for racism, funding fairness (not
corporate strings), and improved academic performance.
1. Cooperative Relationships
How can you run an education system when no one
is getting along? State takeover is never smooth, and resulting
acrimonious relationships influence school climate and therefore all aspects of
education—including academic performance. Studies reveal there is no
proof state takeover is ever welcomed. In
some areas, academic performance can be negatively impacted because different levels
of government are not cooperating. The education governance system has to
involve everyone--especially those who are most affected by education
decisions--in order to be fair and effective.
The state is indicted for the crime of autocratic rule in the Newark
school district.
2. Zero Tolerance for Racism
How can you run an education system immersed in
racist assumptions and practices? New Jersey's school takeover process is
racist because the majority of state controlled school districts are
populated by nonwhite people, with white people (Eli Broad, Mark Zuckerberg,
Bill Gates) representing the millionaires and billionaires funding the attack
on public education. Takeover supporters argue districts are innocently
targeted because of academic achievement or mismanagement—not racial
composition. However, racial discrimination permeates the entire
process, as parents, teachers, administrators and students report feeling
patronized, singled out, or targeted for incompetentce based on their skin
color. Newark school superintendent Cami
Anderson’s elitist and dismissive attitude and behavior is just one individual example of the New
Jersey Department of Education’s white supremacist culture. The state is indicted for the crime of racism
in Newark.
3. Funding Fairness (not Corporate
Strings)
How can you run an
education system that is not funded fairly? New Jersey has the Abbott legal
decisions--which established a progressive fair funding formula for its public
schools. School takeover should be
viewed as one way to circumvent Abbott’s fair funding principles. A
February 5, 2014, Education Law Center press release states: “From 2007 through
2009, school funding in the Garden State was the second most fair, or
“progressive,” in the nation. High poverty districts were funded at levels
approximately 40% greater than low poverty districts. In 2010, the level
dropped to 25%, and by 2011, it fell even further to 7%, driving New Jersey
from 2nd to 12th place nationally. Overall
funding levels also declined, with average per pupil funding in 2011 more than
$1,300 below the 2007 average”. The Education Law Center also
explains Christie made mid-year cuts in 2010, and then he cut $1.2 billion more
in 2011. These cuts disproportionately affected low-income
districts. The state is indicted for the crime of reducing school funding
and ignoring Abbott’s fair funding legal precedent.
4. Improved Academic Performance
How can you run an education system that does
not improve academic performance? There is no scholarly evidence that
state takeover clearly improves academic performance. (And even if there
was this evidence, the state can’t objectively assess its own Department of
Education's performance anyway, can it?) The lack of cooperative relationships,
the racism, and school funding
disparities all combine to create difficult learning conditions for students
and difficult teaching conditions for teachers.
The state is indicted for creating and maintaining conditions of student
struggle and teacher misery.
New Jersey, Indicted
The education reformers' plan is to make Newark
an experimental playground featuring expedited, transformative, and lucrative change. Schools are quickly closed, or co-located,
teachers and other workers are quickly laid off and replaced by a non-union
workforce, and working families are left too dizzy from the confusion to become
a significant obstacle in the plan. Ras Baraka's election throws a monkey
wrench in this plan. They tried to craft the public perception of an
education crisis caused by failing teachers and incompetent or corrupt urban
school leaders, while the state is actively underfunding education across the
board. Newark citizens rejected this
perception and the "One Newark" plan that accompanies it.
Instead of buying into the education reformers’
crisis mentality that demands a rapid-response venture philanthropist
intervention, pro-public education awareness grows—with a mayor to back it.
This awareness acknowledges that schools need cooperative relations, zero
tolerance for racism, funding fairness, and evidence of improved academic
performance. If the state’s not
operating from these benchmarks in occupied districts (and it’s not), it needs
to pack up and go.
Baraka’s election is an indictment of state/
corporate crimes against Newark’s citizens—and the education reform paradigm in
general. If they are really concerned
about Newark students, they should return the schools to local control. This involves truly democratic decision
making, the abolition of white supremacist views of competency and leadership, commitment
to a fair funding principle, and the cessation of financial profit in education (while
claiming education reform is the new civil rights movement all the while).
People get it wrong. Neither the education reform movement nor the
public education movement can claim the mantle of today’s new civil rights movement.
As it always has, the civil rights movement continues to holistically encompass
many inter-related issues including jobs, voting rights, housing rights, health
care, prisons/ policing, anti-violence initiatives, drug policy reform,
environmental issues, and equality in education. Educational sovereignty in today’s climate of
racialized class bludgeoning is a priority for many people, and one of the
strongest recent examples of this priority is Ras Baraka’s mayoral victory.